Shtypi i huaj rreth Kosovës

[Arb]

With independence looming, Kosovo to pick a flag

The province, expected to declare statehood in coming days, is also drafting a constitution and will choose an anthem.

By Andrew Wander | Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor from the February 8, 2008 edition

Pristina, Kosovo - Kosovo's bid for independence edged a step closer this week with the news that the new state's constitution, flag, and national emblem are to be decided in parliament in coming days.

After months of drafting, senior officials in the Kosovo government have said that the constitution upon which the new state will rest is almost complete, and they have short-listed designs for the flag and emblem.

The short list was supposed to be kept secret, but a source close to the Kosovo Symbols Commission, tasked with choosing the flag, described the final three designs that are to be presented to the parliament for selection.

The first, according to the source, is an outline of a map of Kosovo on a blue background, with yellow stars representing the aspiring state's ambition of eventual membership in the European Union. The second is a simple tricolor of red, white, and black vertical stripes. The third design is identical, but carries a spiral motif on the white segment.

The three designs have been whittled down from almost 1,000 entries in a public competition launched last year. The rules stipulated that the flag must not carry any image associated with an ethnic group but should be politically neutral to avoid aggravating tensions between the Albanian majority and Serb minority in Kosovo.

The condition has meant that designs based on Albania's flag, the black double-headed eagle on a red background that flutters above graves of Kosovo Liberation Army guerrilla fighters throughout the breakaway province, would not be considered. The flag is synonymous in Kosovo with the Albanian community and is the first choice of many Kosovars.

"I can't believe that these are the choices for the flag," says Shqipe Abazi. "None of the designs have anything to do with Albanian people. It should be red and black. It's a big deal – how many times does a country get to choose a flag?"

But officials were adamant that Kosovo's flag would not resemble Albania's. "We will not have the flag of any other country," said Fadil Hysa, the government adviser tasked with heading the Symbols Commission. "It cannot have an eagle," he added.

The competition attracted entries from as far as New Zealand and South Africa. There were even seven entries from Serbia.

The parliament will be presented with the designs, one of which must secure two-thirds of a parliamentary vote to be adopted. The new national flag and emblem are expected to be revealed on the day the province declares independence from Serbia.

A national anthem is not expected to be agreed until about a week after the declaration. In Pristina, the Kosovo Philharmonic Orchestra has been practicing Beethoven's Ode to Joy, which they said they would play on independence day, according to Reuters.

The Kosovo government's secretive preparation for independence has come under criticism in recent weeks. None of the trappings of statehood – a flag, national anthem, or even constitution – have been agreed on, despite a declaration of independence being expected in a matter of days. One Pristina-based newspaper predicted it would come on Feb. 17. A meeting of European foreign ministers is scheduled for the next day.

"The public consultations on the constitution have only just started." says Alex Anderson of the International Crisis Group. "None of the major laws or the constitution are in the public domain." He said there was a danger the public consultation process had been started too late, and people could be left "trying to work out what sort of state Kosovo has become" after the independence declaration.

The US diplomatic office in Pristina has been said to have been heavily involved in the process of drafting the document. But a spokesperson said that the constitution was a matter for the Kosovo government. "The Kosovar people are leading the process in drafting their constitution and are handling the constitution themselves," she said.

On the streets of Pristina, excitement is building. One hotel has paid for billboards across the city announcing it is "ready" for independence. The Gallery of Arts has prepared an Independence exhibition, and young people in bars and cafes are planning parties for what some say will be the biggest day in Kosovo's history.

The Christian Science Monitor

[Arb]

Independent Kosovo? Why Not Vermont?

By WILLIAM J. KOLE – 8 hours ago
Sean Connery thinks a Scottish nation is a bonnie notion. How about Spain's Basque country becoming a REAL country? And what's wrong with a People's Republic of Vermont?
Kosovo's looming independence raises all those questions and more. For starters: Why is statehood OK for some people but frowned on for others? After all, isn't the right to self-determination the essence of democracy itself?
There are at least two dozen secessionist movements active in Europe alone, and scores of others agitating for sovereignty around the globe. All of them, experts warn, will be emboldened by Sunday's expected proclamation of the Republic of Kosovo.
"We live in a world which is based around states," said Florian Bieber, a professor of politics and international relations at England's University of Kent.
"The United Nations is based on states. The European Union is based on states," he said. "It's going to continue to happen. New states will emerge, and states will disappear, like East Germany."
Not all independence movements are created equal.
Some are quirky, such as Second Vermont Republic — Thomas Naylor's small but spirited campaign to break off his corner of northern New England and make it a nation.
With his spectacles, bald spot and long white hair, the retired Duke University economics professor looks like Benjamin Franklin and quotes Thomas Jefferson. He believes that if Kosovo can become a country, so can Vermont, which was independent until it joined the Union in 1791 as the 14th state.
Yet Naylor concedes: "It's a tough sell. This is not kid stuff. Secession is a radical act of rebellion driven by anger and fear."
Thousands have died in long-running quests for statehood mounted by the Palestinians, and by rebels fighting to gain Kashmir's independence from India and Pakistan.
The Basques have achieved sweeping autonomy from Spain, but militants continue to fight for full independence. On the Mediterranean island of Corsica, birthplace of Napoleon, nationalists still set off bombs to press for independence from France.
There are also many strictly nonviolent movements willing to settle for autonomy rather than secession. And sometimes new states are born by mutual consent, such as Slovakia and the Czech Republic — Czechoslovakia until they split in 1993.
Kosovo formally remains part of Serbia, but it's been run by the U.N. since 1999, when NATO intervened to stop Slobodan Milosevic's brutal crackdown on ethnic Albanian separatists.
Although the U.S. and key allies — including Britain, France and Germany — support its bid, Serbia and Russia fiercely oppose it.
Russian President Vladimir Putin insists that if Kosovo gains independence without U.N. approval, it will set a dangerous precedent for secessionists in Chechnya, Georgia, Azerbaijan and further afield.
Trouble is, there's no internationally accepted standard for independence, said Marc Plattner, coeditor of the Washington-based Journal of Democracy, which analyzes movements worldwide.
You can let the people decide, he says, but first you have to decide: Who are the people?
"This is the great hole in democratic theory," Plattner said. "There isn't a sound theoretical or moral answer. One simply looks at the individual case."
Skeptics say the increasing flow of cash, goods and information across national boundaries has taken the shine off statehood.
Others wonder if the already unwieldy EU and U.N. can handle much more. The 27-nation EU already has 23 official languages, and many doubt it could cope if it had to add Albanian and Welsh to the mix.
"At a time when borders are coming down in the EU, freeing up the markets and trade, it makes no sense to put them up here," said Angus MacGregor, an insurance broker in Scotland, whose nationalist minority government is pressing to break away from Britain.
The Scottish National Party has promised to hold a referendum on independence by 2010. Although a vote looks unlikely, it's not for lack of trying.
After 700 years of struggle dating back to William Wallace and Robert the Bruce, Scotland's latest "Braveheart" is Connery.
"All of my life experience tells me that an independent Scotland will be successful," the James Bond actor said in TV spots aired last year.
Belgium could be the next country to face a big breakup: A nasty rift between Dutch-speaking Flanders to the north and French-speaking southern Wallonia has raised speculation that the kingdom may split in two.
Other movements have been around for decades.
There's the drive to gain independence for Biafra in Nigeria's oil-rich east, and the fringe Puerto Rican Independence Party, still seeking to wrest back the island the U.S. seized in 1898 at the end of the Spanish-American War.
The United Kingdom looks pretty disunited, too, and not just because of Scotland.
Some in Northern Ireland still advocate unification with Ireland. The Party of Wales wants an independent Welsh state. And in southwestern England, a boisterous secessionist group is trying to carve a country out of Cornwall.
In the U.S., separatist movements advocate independence for Alaska, Texas and the southern states.
And more obscure groups abound.
Ex-Soviet Moldova, just half the size of West Virginia, already has one breakaway republic, Trans-Dniester. But there's also Gagauzia, an autonomous no man's land. Though it doesn't have a prayer of gaining independence, it still sports a flag featuring a snarling red wolf's head.
Other "stateless nations" range from the Veps — people of Baltic Finn extraction in northwestern Russia — to the Sorbs, a Slavonic people who occupy parts of the Czech Republic, Germany and Poland.
"One thing's for sure," said Vermont's Naylor. "We didn't start this. We're just continuing the process."
Associated Press Writer Ben McConville in Edinburgh, Scotland, contributed to this report.

[Arb]

EU Prepares for Kosovo Independence Despite Divisions



The EU is working to reach agreement to help ease the transition to Kosovo's independence despite continuing divisions among member states over recognizing the breakaway Serbian province.


Despite strong resistance from Serbia and Russia, both of whom stepped up their rhetoric against the Serbian province this week. Kosovo is expected to announce independence on Sunday, Feb 17, though Kosovo Prime Minister Hashim Thaci would not confirm the date.

The European Union, where at least half a dozen member states have said they will not recognize Kosovo's independence, is already preparing to send in a 2,000-strong police and legal mission to ease the province's transition to independence.

"It is already more or less clear," Slovenian Prime Minister Dimitrij Rupel, whose country holds the EU presidency, told a Polish daily Dziennik in an interview published on Friday. "The European Union will send a mission to Kosovo to replace the United Nations."

Kosovo has been under UN administration for 10 years since a NATO bombing campaign ended ethnic violence there.

Easing the road to independence

Bildunterschrift: Großansicht des Bildes mit der Bildunterschrift: German peacekeepers in Kosovo
The EU's mission will consist of a political entity to supervise the transfer of powers from the UN mission to the local authorities. EU experts will train and mentor police, justice and customs officials and have wide-ranging legal powers for the transition period. Some 100 members of an advanced planning team are already in Pristina.

The European Commission and the World Bank are also planning an international donors' conference to help build Kosovo's economy. Kosovo, which will not be admitted to the United Nations because of Russian and Serbian opposition to its independence, faces huge challenges to tackle mass unemployment and become a viable state.

The EU rejects Russian arguments that the EU presence will be illegal. It argues the existing UN Security Council resolution 1244 on Kosovo provides a legal basis for the mission and cites a Jan. 3 report by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon noting the EU's readiness to play "an enhanced role."

Not speaking with one voice?

Though most EU states as well as the United States plan to recognize Kosovo, at least six EU members -- Cyprus, Greece, Slovakia, Spain, Bulgaria and Romania -- have said they will not do so immediately.


"Our position remains the same: we will not recognize a unilateral declaration of independence," Cypriot Foreign Minister Erato Kozakou Marcoullis told news agency Reuters. "Our position is based on principles of the UN charter, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the role of the UN Security Council."

Kosovo, home to 2 million ethnic Albanians, has raised fears in some European capitals that separatist movements in their countries may use the Serbian province as a precedent for their own unilateral decelerations of independence.

EU supporters of Kosovar independence say Serbia has no moral right to rule the province because of the brutality it perpetrated against the province's ethnic Albanian majority under the late Slobodan Milosevic.

Rupel sought to play down differences in the EU over recognizing Kosovo.

"It is not the independence declaration that is most important," he said. "Of course, there have been doubts or negative feelings in some countries. But there are not that many after all. When the moment comes, I think the EU will speak with one voice."

Serbia remains opposed

Serbia, backed by Russia, has vowed that it will never accept Kosovo's independence.

On Friday, Boris Tadic who was sworn in as president of Serbia reiterated his opposition.

"I will never give up fighting for our Kosovo and I will, with all my might, fight for Serbia to join the European Union," Tadic said.

Tadic is at odds with Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica over Serbia continuing to pursue EU membership if EU states approve Kosovo's secession.

Kostunica called the EU's mission plans as a "brutal violation" of international law, and his government has already officially "annulled" in advance Kosovo's independence move.

But Tadic has said Serbia would risk losing its international influence if it cut ties to countries and institutions that recognize Kosovo.

"If some countries, including some European Union members, recognize Kosovo, it is in my opinion that we will certainly enter a frozen conflict," he said. "It will be a challenge for Serbia, but also for the EU and the international community."



DW staff

[Arb]

Ripple effect warning of Kosovo independence
After nine years of UN administration, nine years of uncertainty and fruitless negotiations, Kosovo is poised go its own way with a unilateral declaration of independence. But, in the international arena at least, the debate is not over with heated discussion on the possible ramifactions of the breakaway.

The EU itself is divided. On one side countries including Spain and Greece fear a ripple effect in their own states while the bloc's Big Four, Britain, France, Germany and Italy, are positive about the future.

Russian President Vladimir Putin shares the first group's concerns. Those nations have similar situations on their own soil and question the legality of an independence born out of a NATO military operation launched without UN backing:

The immediate effect, it is claimed, could be felt in Bosnia where the Serb Republic in Bosnia whose leaders have talked of seccession or becoming part of Serbia.

Further afield there are worries that Kosovo sets a precedent for independence movements in Georgia's Abkhazia region, Transnistria in Moldovo and Transylvania in Romania. Putin is primarily concerned about Chechnya, which has already seen years of conflict between separatists and Russian forces.

There are also questions about the impact on the Albanian diaspora who see events in Kosovo as a partial putting-to-rights of previous injustices.

Albanians make up a quarter of the population in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. There are also big communities in Montenegro and southern Serbia. Among these communities there are some who regard Kosovo as the first step in the creation of a greater Albania.

As for the Serbs of Kosovo their worst fears have been realised. Some anaylsts predict their solution will be to push for re-unification with Serbia.

EuroNews

[Arb]

No "Greater Albania" wave seen from Kosovo

Fri Feb 15, 2008 6:28am EST

By Benet Koleka

TETOVO, Macedonia (Reuters) - Kosovo Albanian independence from Serbia will boost the confidence of Albanians in neighboring Macedonia, but prospects of EU membership will outweigh dreams of a "Greater Albania", political leaders say.
Albanians form a 90 percent majority in Kosovo, which is set to declare independence on Sunday. Macedonia's Albanians are a 25 percent minority.
Ethnic Albanian leaders say the best insurance against Macedonia breaking up in ethnic conflict as it nearly did in 2001 is the country's membership in NATO soon and in the European Union in a few years.
"Why talk about building or removing classical borders when Europe has drawn lessons from its old conflicts and decided to build a joint future for its states?" said Ali Ahmeti, head of Macedonia's main Albanian political party.
"We love this country as much as the Macedonians love it," he told Reuters. "Long-term stability in Macedonia will be achieved by solving the problem of Albanians living in Kosovo. It is a victory for us, too.
In 2001, Ahmeti led a 6-month uprising which came close to igniting full-scale civil war, before NATO and the EU brokered peace talks that resulted in more rights for Albanians.
Fears mounted during that period that Albanians were gearing up for a fight to unite all the lands they live in Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro, with the republic of Albania. The mountainous borders between them are porous, and weapons left over from Albania's paranoid Stalinist dictatorship abound.
But opportunities offered by a common future in the EU and the NATO alliance seem to have overtaken the old dream of a single ethnic Albanian state.

An invitation to Croatia, Macedonia and Albania to join NATO at its April summit would be "a guarantee for peace, stability and security", Ahmeti said. Macedonia has EU candidate status.

OPPORTUNITY
Businessman Ridvan Pajaziti in Macedonia's capital, Skopje, said Kosovo's independence would be a boon for business at home.

"With two Albanian states as neighbors, Albanians in Macedonia would have more rights and economic gains," he said, adding it would also mean freer travel and more professional opportunities.

Landlocked Kosovo lies north of Macedonia, and east of Albania and Montenegro, where Albanians account for 7 percent of the 600,000-strong population. Albania and Montenegro could offer the new republic access to their Adriatic ports.

Ferhat Dinosa, head of Montenegro's main Albanian party, said Kosovo's quest for independence had played an important role in his community's decision to back Montenegro's own split from Serbia two years ago.

"We backed the independence of Montenegro because we were convinced it was the ante-chamber of Kosovo's independence," Dinosa told Reuters. "No serious political Albanian party in the Balkans speaks of such a thing (as Greater Albania)."

In Macedonia's ethnic Serb village of Pobozje, near the border with Kosovo, Serbian farmers were not so sure.

"I don't feel good. The border is too close. If something happens there, it can come here," said Trajan, 64, who would not give his full name.

"Kosovo will be independent, but this will be dangerous because they will take a part of Serbia and then they will want a part of Macedonia and Montenegro. This is going to happen in the next few years and we expect trouble," he added.

Despite their leaders' comments, some Macedonian Albanians still hope for an ethnic homeland. Along the highway linking Skopje to the mainly Albanian city of Tetovo, a graffiti artist has scrawled the words "Republika Ilirida", or Greater Albania.

"We want to see Kosovo become independent as soon as possible because it is going to benefit Albanians everywhere," said Luziana Beqiri, 28, who makes traditional costumes.

"We would love to unite. It would be good to be all together, to have no borders. But we do not really know. We fear that because these are big things and nobody wants war."

(Reporting by Benet Koleka; Editing by Douglas Hamilton and Caroline Drees)

[Arb]

Kosovar PM: Our independent nation will not be Islamic By Adar Primor Tags: kosovo, islam
Just days before declaring Kosovo's independence, Prime Minister Hashim Thaci, the "Ben Gurion of Kosovo," called on Israel to recognize his nation's independence. "We would like and we expect Israel to be on board with all those democratic countries of the world which will immediately recognize Kosovo's independence," says Thaci in an interview with Haaretz. And he also wants to reassure us: Under no circumstances will independent Kosovo be an Islamic nation.

Next Sunday, February 17, is the date on which, according to most indications, Thaci will declare Kosovo's independence. It will put an end to hundreds of years of Ottoman, Yugoslavian and Serbian rule, which saw oppression and ethnic cleansing in the region. The bloodshed ended only in 1999 after NATO's bombing campaign against Slobodan Milosevic's Serbian forces.

Independence Day celebrations are already underway. As is the declaration of independence. "The declaration of Kosovo's independence is inspired by the Kosovar people's will.," says Thaci. "Regarding the issue of flag, anthem and other national symbols, there are specific committees set up for these purposes. Kosovo's state symbols will all be ready on Independence Day."
AdvertisementIsrael is also a source of inspiration. "I love Israel," said Thaci in December 2007 to a JTA reporter. "It's a wonderful country," said the man who used to be the tough political leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), sounding to the journalist like a child recalling his last trip to Disney World.

His impressions were apparently influenced by the network of contacts he made here. Dov Weisglass, former prime minister Ariel Sharon's adviser, was involved in a recent trip he made to Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu's former adviser, American Arthur Finkelstein gave him political advice, and the former governor of the Bank of Israel, David Klein offered him economic advice.

Common ties

Subsequently it might not be surprising that Thaci considers Sharon a "great leader." He has the same opinion of Benjamin Netanyahu. Actually it is surprising: Sharon was one of the few leaders who supported Slobodan Milosevic, and in 1999 came out against the separatist Albanians. As foreign minister during the Kosovo war, Sharon warned of the establishment of "Greater Albania," which would become a center for spreading Islamic terror in Europe. Because he was afraid of creating a precedent whose consequences were liable to affect the Middle East as well, Sharon added that belligerent intervention of the kind used by NATO in Kosovo should not be legitimized.

The Serbs say they are very close to Israel due to a "common history and common heritage." In some circles in Jerusalem, there are those who compare Serbia to Israel, and on the other hand, compare the Kosovars to the Palestinians who aspire to their own independence. Thaci is put off by these claims. "The arguments for the abovementioned comparison are false. I cannot speak for Israel or for Serbia," he said, "but I can speak for my country and my people. Kosovo cannot be compared with any other country elsewhere, Kosovo is a unique case."

"I don't know what kind of support Milosevic was given (by Israel - A.P.) ," says Thaci in a dig at Israel, "but I know very well that the whole democratic world has punished Milosevic for genocide, not only for the crimes committed in Kosovo but also in other former Yugoslav republics. And I don't have to remind anybody about his ultimate fate as a war criminal indicted by the International Criminal Court in the Hague."

Thaci also denies the "Greater Albania" scenario: "Albanians living in Albania live in their own independent country. Kosovars [90 percent of whom are ethnic Albanians] will also live and build their future in their independent Kosovo. The phrase of the so-called 'Greater Albania' is also false and Serbian propaganda. The future of Kosovo and Albania together with the rest of the Western Balkan countries lies within the European Union and this is the only point which brings all of us together."

The argument that Kosovar independence would create an Islamic state in the heart of Europe, a state that would rely on Saudi and Iranian support, is even more insulting to him. "This question does not even deserve a comment," he says, and nevertheless decides to reply. "If there is any model in the world that illustrates the good coexistence of various religious communities, it's Kosovo. These false arguments have been launched by the Slobodan Milosevic regime and belong to the past."

At a time when in Turkey, which also wants to join Europe, the battle over the religious character of the state is heating up, Thaci promises: "Kosovo is going to be a democratic and secular state of all its citizens, and the freedom to exercise religion without any hindrance is granted by the Kosovo Constitution."

Experts on the Balkans believe that Kosovo can in fact become a unique model. The Kosovars tend to emphasize their nationality far more than their religious identity, which was forced on them by the Ottomans in the 15th and 16th centuries. Even today, it is claimed, one can find many more radical Islamists in London or Brooklyn than in all of Kosovo. Kosovar society is mainly secular, its Islam is moderate and will remain so, one reason being that the new state will not be able to survive outside of the European arena.

Thaci, 39, was born in the Drenica Valley - a bastion of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo and the focus of the armed struggle against Serbian rule. He studied philosophy and political science at the University of Pristina, and was one of the student leaders in the years 1989-1991.

He was involved in organizing demonstrations against Belgrade and in clandestine training of armed groups. In 1995 he continued his studies in Switzerland, where he was also involved in raising money to fund the rebellion. When he returned to Kosovo, Thaci assumed the nom de guerre "the Snake," and within a short time became the political leader of the KLA - "the Gerry Adams [former leader of the political arm of the IRA] of Kosovo," was the nickname given to him in some Western capitals.

His abilities and his political cunning were first revealed at the Rambouillet Conference, which was held in France in 1999, and during which he represented Kosovar interests against Serbia. He was then under heavy pressure from his colleagues in the leadership of the KLA, who refused to support any arrangement that did not grant full independence to the district. His insistence on signing the document led to the isolation of the Serbs, who refused to withdraw their forces from the province as required of them in the agreement. That was the signal that launched the NATO bombings of Kosovo, which lasted for 78 days and during which the Serbian forces expanded the campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Albanians. Thousands were murdered and hundreds of thousands became refugees.

'Snake' turned moderate

There are some who see similarities between the Snake, who in the past was involved in acts described as "terrorist," between the tough fighter who removed his uniform, became a moderate politician and won the elections - and former Israeli prime ministers Menachem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir, who rebelled against British rule.

The comparison seems to embarrass Thaci. He uses it to downplay his role and to point out that he was only a link in a chain. "I was lucky and at the same time very proud that I had my chance to serve my country and my people. The struggle for freedom has long roots in the past and many of my fellow citizens have sacrificed their lives for that. When our turn came, we did our part also and we succeeded because we got the support of all the Kosovo people and the support of the biggest military alliance: NATO."

When asked to share his feelings with the readers of Haaretz, a moment before the global spotlights are turned on him, he declares: "Well, I had three main objectives in my life. The first one was to mobilize and organize my people in the struggle for freedom. This goal was achieved on June 1999 with the support of NATO. My people today breathe freely. The second goal, immediately after the war, was to convince the democratic world to recognize the legitimate right of the Kosovo's people for independence. In very few days, Kosovo will become the newest independent democratic state recognized internationally. My third goal is to make Kosovo economically developed. Kosovo has great potential and has both the human and natural resources to achieve this goal."

Thaci's associates say his warm attitude towards Israel is based on four components: what he sees as the similar fate of the two nations; the state-building model he wants to adopt; his total reliance on the United States and its international policy; and the assistance that he hopes to receive from Israeli and Jewish investors to fulfill his third objective - economic stability. "All the necessary prerequisites for safe and successful investments are in place" here, he says, turning to Israeli investors.

The speculation that the independence of Kosovo will create a "domino effect" that will undermine regional stability and will lead to the outbreak of new and existing conflicts and to global deterioration, does not change his assessments: "I consider these threats as pure rhetoric used by Serbian politicians for domestic consumption in Serbia."

And as for Russian intervention? "The Cold War is over, and in any case together with UNMIK [the UN Civil Administration] and KFOR [the NATO peacekeeping force] we have undertaken all necessary steps to be able to respond promptly to any kind of situation."

"Kosovo is a unique case," he claims repeatedly, without elaborating. "It should not represent any precedent. Kosovo's independence will be the cornerstone for the peace and stability in the Balkans. This excludes completely the possibility of any negative domino effect. Kosovo's independence will usher in a long period of peace and cooperation."

[Arb]

Björk - Declare Independence

Serbet po shkulin floket nga paraqitja dhe ovacionet e kengetares me fame boterore ish Sugar Cubes tani Bjork e cila ne koncertin e saj, Tokio (Japoni) ne Nippon Budokan para mbi 14000 fansave interpretoi kengen: "Declare Independence", (Shpallne Pavaresine) me c'rast kishte brohoritur Kosova,,, Kosova, gje qe u perserit edhe nga publiku japonez me brohoritje, dhe flamuj te kuq qe valonin si remineshence e flamurit shqiptar qe ne fund ti drejtohet publikut me fjalet: "Kosova duhet te jete e pavarur, serbet nuk guxojne te sundojne mbi Kosove"


Björk: Kosovo, Kosovo, Hooray for Independence
Feb 21, 2008

Icelandic music star Björk, has greeted the independence of Kosovo, during her tour in Japan.

The singer, appearing in the Tokyo "Nippon Budokan" hall in front of 14.000 people, opened the concert with her "Declare Independence" (Volta, 2007) song, originally dedicated to Faroe Islands -- a group of North Atlantic islands comprising an independent province of the Kingdom of Denmark, but also traditionally and directly linked with Iceland, the homeland of the singer.

"Uh, I really love this song!" - announced Björk under the stage lights and immediately started shouting "Kosovo, Kosovo, Kosovo", whereas the public followed in thunderous cheers waving red flags creating the impression of the Albanian flag.

Next, according to the Serbian Blic reporter, Björk addressed the public with the following words: "Kosovo must be independent, Serbs don't merit anymore to rule over Kosovo".


Teksti i Kenges

Björk - Declare Independence

Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!
Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!
Justice

Start your own currency!
Make your own stamp
Protect your language

Declare independence
Don't let them do that to you
Declare independence
Don't let them do that to you

[x4] Make your own flag!

[x6] Raise your flag! (Higher, higher!)

Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!

Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!

Damn colonists
Ignore their patronizing
Tear off their blindfolds
Open their eyes

Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!
Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!

With a flag and a trumpet
Go to the top of your highest mountain!

And raise your flag! (Higher, higher!)
[x5] Raise your flag! (Higher, higher!)

Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!
Declare independence!
Don't let them do that to you!

Raise the flag!


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LGC0VVobi6E

[Arb]

Deconstruction of the Declaration of Independence by Lëvizja VETËVENDOSJE! (Kosovo Movement for Self-Determination!), 23 February 2008

"Kosova does not lack status, but our people lack freedom. This declaration will not give us freedom. In fact, it does not even represent a change in status, as we will continue to be ruled over by an anti-democratic and unaccountable international mission... The international presences here based on Resolution 1244 are not democratic nor are they promoting democracy. Instead, they are authoritarian and executive. Asking NATO to stay until Kosova is “capable” of assuming military “responsibilities” is self-devaluating. By talking about “peace, prosperity and stability” the international community’s focus on stability and peace, not freedom and progress, is revealed.... It is incorrect to say that “the world” intervened. e.g. Russia was against intervention and did not participate. To say that the intervention “removed Belgrade’s governance” and placed Kosova under UN administration makes it sound like the whole thing was no more than an administrative shift... Ahtisaari does not provide a framework for “development”, but will in fact block development, and even deprive us of the possibilities for development by perpetuating the paradigm of stability the international community in Kosova is operating within... if the Ahtisaari plan represents the “highest European standards” for good governance, how come no other European country has implemented it? "
Comment by tamilnation.org Those Tamil groups who rushed to congratulate the current Kosovo leadership on its 'supervised independence' may want to read carefully the Deconstruction of the Kosovo Declaration of Independence by Lëvizja VETËVENDOSJE! (Kosovo Movement for Self-Determination!) as well as the Manifesto of the Kosovo Movement for Self Determination. If we do not wish to become hostages to fortune, it is important that the Tamil people should take a principle centered approach and not an opportunistic approach to happenings in an asymmetric multi lateral world.

Preamble

Convened in an extraordinary meeting on February 17, 2008, in Pristina, the capital of Kosovo,
Answering the call of the people to build a society that honours human dignity and affirms the pride and purpose of its citizens,

“Answering the call of the people”, i.e. not their will.

Committed to confront the painful legacy of the recent past in a spirit of reconciliation and forgiveness,

.. “in a spirit of reconciliation and forgiveness”. This signals that Kosova is ready to forget its history – the losses and suffering, the violence and genocide from the past. This declaration is not presented as the culmination of history, but as its start. The declaration annuls history by presenting itself as a new beginning. This is a “historical act” without history.

Dedicated to protecting, promoting and honoring the diversity of our people, Reaffirming our wish to become fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic family of democracies,

“Reaffirming our wish” – this very vague word does not signal any intent to undertake any action to realise this wish. Will become “fully integrated”, but not necessarily as a sovereign state or a member. Indicates that Kosova will integrate into Euroatlantic structures as a democracy, but not necessarily as a state.

Observing that Kosovo is a special case arising from Yugoslavia's non-consensual breakup and is not a precedent for any other situation,

The issue of Kosova is “arising from Yugoslavia’s non-consensual breakup”. The breakup was not only “non-consensual”, but violent, because of Serbia: Serbia created Yugoslavia in order to expand, and destroyed it in order to expand. The issue of Kosova’s status did not “arise”, as a secondary effect, from the breakup, but is a part of that breakup. Kosova is in fact also where the breakup started, in 1987-89. Stressing that Kosova is not a precedent is intended to signal that oppressed people elsewhere in the world will stay oppressed also after this declaration. Including this is the result of a typically colonial mindset on behalf of the international bureaucrats that have dictated this declaration: by turning colonised people against each-other, by making them not support each-other, one can prevent them turning against the colonisers.

Recalling the years of strife and violence in Kosovo, that disturbed the conscience of all civilised people,

To say that the violence in Kosova “disturbed the conscience of all civilized people” makes it sound like the wars here merely caused some emotional distress to international observers watching the events on their TV. Instead of underlining how the war violated international law and fundamental human rights, how many people lost their lives, were injured, raped and had to flee, the declaration simply points to the spiritual pain it caused “civilised people”. This phrase is also intended to imply that Serbs should not be blamed for the violence here. Talking about the violence in Kosova in this neutral way absolves Serbia of any blame for it.

Grateful that in 1999 the world intervened, thereby removing Belgrade's governance over Kosovo and placing Kosovo under United Nations interim administration,

It is incorrect to say that “the world” intervened. e.g. Russia was against intervention and did not participate. To say that the intervention “removed Belgrade’s governance” and placed Kosova under UN administration makes it sound like the whole thing was no more than an administrative shift. Besides, it was not mainly Belgrade’s governance that was removed with the intervention, but the violence of Serbia’s criminal police and military forces. Since it is not saying that Belgrade no longer has “control over” or the “right to” Kosova, all this point is saying is simply that Belgrade is not governing Kosova’s daily affairs anymore.

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Proud that Kosovo has since developed functional, multi-ethnic institutions of democracy that express freely the will of our citizens,

“institutions of democracy” again does not show in any way that this refers to a sovereign independent state. This point also reduces the will of the people to the non-sovereign and corrupt local institutions in Kosova. The first time any word close to “free” is mentioned, “freely” merely refers to the freedom of expression of Kosova’s institutions, not their rights or freedoms to take action as an independent state.

Recalling the years of internationally-sponsored negotiations between Belgrade and Pristina over the question of our future political status,

“our future status” makes it clear that our status is not final, and that we are going from transition to transition.

Regretting that no mutually-acceptable status outcome was possible, in spite of the good-faith engagement of our leaders,

Saying that no negotiated solution was possible is nothing more than avoiding blaming Serbia’s obstructionism for the breakdown of talks.

Confirming that the recommendations of UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari provide Kosovo with a comprehensive framework for its future development and are in line with the highest European standards of human rights and good governance,

Ahtisaari does not provide a framework for “development”, but will in fact block development, and even deprive us of the possibilities for development by perpetuating the paradigm of stability the international community in Kosova is operating within. The plan will also separate people institutionally and territorially on an ethnic basis. The Ahtisaari plan has nothing to do with “human rights”, but demands ethnically based strong decentralisation before sovereignty, without dismantling Serbia’s parallel structures in Kosova. This will not protect human rights, but can lead to new violations. Also, if the Ahtisaari plan represents the “highest European standards” for good governance, how come no other European country has implemented it?

Determined to see our status resolved in order to give our people clarity about their future, move beyond the conflicts of the past and realise the full democratic potential of our society,

Kosova does not lack status, but our people lack freedom. This declaration will not give us freedom. In fact, it does not even represent a change in status, as we will continue to be ruled over by an anti-democratic and unaccountable international mission. About “clarity” – this declaration does not bring clarity, but entails a number of serious contradictions and ambiguities. Besides, clarity is not the point: we need freedom and dignity. In order to achieve that, the people should decide on changing of Kosova’s status through a referendum on independence. The call to “move beyond the conflicts of the past” is again a call to erase history. It is impossible to talk about “democratic potential” when we are being deprived of democracy by the people that rule over us.

Honouring all the men and women who made great sacrifices to build a better future for Kosovo,

The last point is so vague that it could refer to some people being injured while working on a construction site. Again, the vague formulation is chosen in order to erase the past and not blame Serbia for our historical tragedies.

Numbered points 1. We, the democratically-elected leaders of our people, hereby declare Kosovo to be an independent and sovereign state. This declaration reflects the will of our people and it is in full accordance with the recommendations of UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari and his Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement.

1. This point is seriously self-contradictory. Being an independent sovereign state is completely incompatible with the Ahtisaari plan and his recommendations. He does not suggest sovereignty, but an extremely supervised independence. Either the MPs do not understand what “sovreignty” means, or they want to fool us. The so-called democratically elected leaders of Kosova are neither democratically elected nor leaders. Less than 50% of the population voted at all, in an externally imposed framework and process from above having nothing to do with democracy. This declaration cannot reflect the “will of our people” when we are deprived of the right to hold a referendum.

2. We declare Kosovo to be a democratic, secular and multi-ethnic republic, guided by the principles of non-discrimination and equal protection under the law. We shall protect and promote the rights of all communities in Kosovo and create the conditions necessary for their effective participation in political and decision-making processes.

2. This declaration will not provide people equal protection under the law, but will establish an international office to rule over us, with officials completely unaccountable and immune to the laws they impose on us. This point talks about “communities”, not citizens, and confirms the international community’s ethnic fixation regarding Kosova.

3. We accept fully the obligations for Kosovo contained in the Ahtisaari Plan, and welcome the framework it proposes to guide Kosovo in the years ahead. We shall implement in full those obligations including through priority adoption of the legislation included in its Annex XII, particularly those that protect and promote the rights of communities and their members.

3. Again it mentions “communities” instead of citizens, and obligations instead of rights.

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4. We shall adopt as soon as possible a Constitution that enshrines our commitment to respect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all our citizens, particularly as defined by the European Convention on Human Rights. The Constitution shall incorporate all relevant principles of the Ahtisaari Plan and be adopted through a democratic and deliberative process.

4. Ahtisaari’s plan is not compatible with the ECHR. In fact, in the plan, there are no human beings, but only communities, which will be more segregated and separated by the plan.

5. We welcome the international community's continued support of our democratic development through international presences established in Kosovo on the basis of UN Security Council resolution 1244 (1999). We invite and welcome an international civilian presence to supervise our implementation of the Ahtisaari Plan, and a European Union-led rule of law mission. We also invite and welcome the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to retain the leadership role of the international military presence in Kosovo and to implement responsibilities assigned to it under UN Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) and the Ahtisaari Plan, until such time as Kosovo institutions are capable of assuming these responsibilities. We shall cooperate fully with these presences to ensure Kosovo's future peace, prosperity and stability.

5. This point basically says that Kosova does not want to become independent. It empties even a formal independence of any meaning and substance. The international presences here based on Resolution 1244 are not democratic nor are they promoting democracy. Instead, they are authoritarian and executive. Asking NATO to stay until Kosova is “capable” of assuming military “responsibilities” is self-devaluating. By talking about “peace, prosperity and stability” the international community’s focus on stability and peace, not freedom and progress, is revealed.

6. For reasons of culture, geography and history, we believe our future lies with the European family. We therefore declare our intention to take all steps necessary to facilitate full membership in the European Union as soon as feasible and implement the reforms required for European and Euro-Atlantic integration.

6. It should not be necessary to give “reasons” for why Kosova is European. We are. This point does not mention that Kosova intends to become an EU member as a sovereign state, but states that “our future lies with the European family”.

7. We express our deep gratitude to the United Nations for the work it has done to help us recover and rebuild from war and build institutions of democracy. We are committed to working constructively with the United Nations as it continues its work in the period ahead.

7. UNMIK has not helped our democratic development. UNMIK is anti-democratic and a failure even from the views of its own officials, and according to its self-proclaimed goals. This point also says that UNMIK will continue to stay here indefinitely. So an “independent” Kosova will be run by two international missions, not just one!

8. With independence comes the duty of responsible membership in the international community. We accept fully this duty and shall abide by the principles of the United Nations Charter, the Helsinki Final Act, other acts of the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the international legal obligations and principles of international comity that mark the relations among states. Kosovo shall have its international borders as set forth in Annex VIII of the Ahtisaari Plan, and shall fully respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all our neighbors. Kosovo shall also refrain from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.

8. This point talks about the duty of responsible membership in international organisation, but not about rights and internationally equal relationships. This is because Kosova’s rights will continue to be in the hands of the international administration here. Ahtisaari doesn’t say anything about “international” borders in annex VIII, but he does mention in Article 3, that Kosova must adhere to the border agreement signed between Yugoslavia (Serbia) and Macedonia in February 2001 in which Macedonia got 2.500 hectares of Kosova’s land.

9. We hereby undertake the international obligations of Kosovo, including those concluded on our behalf by the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and treaty and other obligations of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to which we are bound as a former constituent part, including the Vienna Conventions on diplomatic and consular relations. We shall cooperate fully with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. We intend to seek membership in international organisations, in which Kosovo shall seek to contribute to the pursuit of international peace and stability.

9. While the previous point talks about duties, this point mentions Kosova’s obligations and the contributions this declaration will commit us to. Our rights and freedoms are still not being mentioned. Talks again about peace and stability, but not development, progress, prosperity.

10. Kosovo declares its commitment to peace and stability in our region of southeast Europe. Our independence brings to an end the process of Yugoslavia's violent dissolution. While this process has been a painful one, we shall work tirelessly to contribute to a reconciliation that would allow southeast Europe to move beyond the conflicts of our past and forge new links of regional cooperation. We shall therefore work together with our neighbours to advance a common European future.

10. The disintegration of Yugoslavia does not necessarily end with the independence of Kosova. By saying this, the declaration wants to discredit the efforts of the Hungarians in Vojvodina, the Albanians in the Valley of Presheva and Bosniaks in Sandjak to get out from Serbia’s rule. And again, this point emphasises reconciliation in order for the past to be forgotten.

11. We express, in particular, our desire to establish good relations with all our neighbours, including the Republic of Serbia with whom we have deep historical, commercial and social ties that we seek to develop further in the near future. We shall continue our efforts to contribute to relations of friendship and cooperation with the Republic of Serbia, while promoting reconciliation among our people.

11. This point is an attempt to neutrally describe our relation to Serbia, when everyone knows what this relation in fact meant: our exploitation, suppression and domination by Serbia.

12. We hereby affirm, clearly, specifically, and irrevocably, that Kosovo shall be legally bound to comply with the provisions contained in this Declaration, including, especially, the obligations for it under the Ahtisaari Plan. In all of these matters, we shall act consistent with principles of international law and resolutions of the Security Council of the United Nations, including resolution 1244 (1999). We declare publicly that all states are entitled to rely upon this declaration, and appeal to them to extend to us their support and friendship.

12. This important point, the last one, does not mention independence, but Ahtisaari’s plan and Resolution 1244. This point does not ask explicitly for recognition, signalling that we will understand if someone decides not to recognise us.

tamilnaton.org

[Arb]

Bush getis rightUs knows a NATION when it sees one

The Bush administration has lurched for so long from one foreign policy disaster to another, we almost have forgotten what it's like to see the United States do the right thing.


But we did last week.

After decades of oppression and struggle, the two million Albanians of the former Yugoslav/Serb province of Kosovo finally achieved their long-sought independence. This was the final welcome act in the death of the abortive state, Yugoslavia.

The U.S. was the first major power to recognize the new Republic of Kosovo -- as it should henceforth be called. There were almost as many American flags in the streets of its capital, Prishtina, as Albanian ones. President George W. Bush deserves a hearty salute.

The U.S. had once more rescued the Albanians. In 1918, victorious Serbia was about to annex tiny Albania to gain its deep-water Adriatic ports. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson ordered Serbia back, saving Albania.



After communist demagogue Slobodan Milosevic sought to build a Greater Serbia in the 1990s through ethnic terrorism, Washington forced NATO to halt Serb genocide in Bosnia.

In 1999, while Europe watched impotently, Milosevic's forces killed 13,000 Kosovar Albanians and drove one million Albanian Kosovars into frigid winter fields where they would have died of exposure without outside help. The U.S. saved the Kosovars by launching a short air war on the Serbs.

Outraged Serbs claimed they were victims of an American-German conspiracy. Kosovo was their historical medieval heartland, they insisted. Serbia's very soul. But by 2008, Kosovo's population was two million Albanians and only 60,000-80,000 Serbs and gypsies, mostly in the Mitrovica enclave. About 100,000 more Kosovo Serbs had moved to Serbia.

Historical claims are often of questionable value. Kosovo was indeed the heartland of medieval Serbia after Serb tribes invaded the region in the 6th Century AD. But the original inhabitants were Illyrians -- ancestors of today's Albanians.

ETHNIC CLEANSING
Serbs sought to ethnically cleanse Kosovo of Albanians three times: In the 1911-12 Balkan Wars after they seized it from the Ottoman Empire; in 1945; and in the 1990s. This brutal record, and persecution of Albanian Kosovars in the post-Tito era, invalidates any legitimate claims Serbia has to Kosovo.
Wounded pride aside, Serbia is better off without Kosovo. History teaches it's often counterproductive to try to retain by force a region that wants out (the U.S. Civil War is a major exception).

Serbs became international pariahs after the demagogue Milosevic intoxicated them with Nazi-style bogus historical mythology and primitive nationalism. Serbia's future lies in the European Union, not in dubious medieval mythical glories.

America once again saved Albanians from extinction.

By contrast, it was noteworthy that Romania refused to join Britain, France, Germany and Italy in recognizing the new Kosovo republic.

That's because Romania also has its own dirty secret. The post-First World War Treaty of Trianon was every bit as evil and immoral as the 1938 Munich Pact. At Trianon, the victorious allies handed over 66% of the Hungarian people to Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. Romania got the lion's share, including Transylvania. Hungarians want freedom from Romania.

DIVIDED PEOPLES
Albanians also were divided between Albania proper, and Yugoslavia's provinces of Kosovo and Macedonia. So Albanians and Hungarians remain Europe's divided peoples.

But there is no hint free Kosovo will join neighbouring Albania anytime soon. The Kosovar leadership, under able PM Hasim Tachi, rejects any talk of union; so does Albania's capable prime minister, Dr. Sali Berisha. Kosovars are not eager to merge with impoverished, struggling Albania; they want to be in the EU.

It certainly is a tonic seeing people abroad joyously waving American flags and blessing the U.S. This is what my America used to be about.
I pray that under new presidential leadership, the U.S.A. will resume this honourable tradition as liberator and defender of human rights.

[Arb]

Key dates in Kosovo's decades-long — and often bloody —drive to gain independence from Serbia:

1968 — First pro-independence demonstrations by ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, when it was part of Yugoslavia; many arrested.
1991 — As Yugoslavia implodes, separatists proclaim Kosovo a republic, which is recognized by neighboring Albania.


1996 — Pro-independence Kosovo Liberation Army emerges, claims responsibility for bombings of police targets.
March-April 1998 — Dozens killed in Serb police action against suspected Albanian separatists. Serbs overwhelmingly reject international mediation on Kosovo in referendum. New international sanctions imposed on Yugoslavia.
July-September 1998 — KLA seizes control of 40 percent of Kosovo before being routed in Serb offensive. Serb forces attack villages; 22 ethnic Albanians found massacred in central Kosovo.
October 1998 — NATO allies authorize airstrikes against Serb military targets.
Jan. 15, 1999 — 45 ethnic Albanians slain outside Racak. International officials demand war crimes investigation.
March 1999 — Belgrade authorities reject the internationally brokered peace deal, while ethnic Albanians sign it.
March 24, 1999 — NATO launches 78 days of airstrikes against Yugoslavia.
March-June 1999 — Serb forces push out 800,000 ethnic Albanians who flee Kosovo into Albania and Macedonia.
June 10, 1999 — Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic agrees to withdraw troops from Kosovo after agreeing to a proposal for NATO to move in and the province to be run by U.N. Airstrikes halted. Some 50,000 NATO-led peacekeepers begin deploying in Kosovo, refugees stream back while Serbs flee in the wake of revenge attacks.
Oct. 6, 2000 — Milosevic resigns after mass demonstrations protesting his refusal to accept electoral defeat.
June 28, 2001 — Milosevic extradited to The Hague to face trial for war crimes, dies before trial ends.
February 2002 — Kosovo elects parliament and government with Ibrahim Rugova as president.
October 2003 — First direct talks between Serbian and Kosovo Albanian leaders since 1999 end without agreement.
March 2004 — Ethnic Albanian mobs attack Serbs in worst outbreak of violence since the war.
January 2006 — Rugova dies of lung cancer in Pristina.
February 2006 — U.N.-mediated talks on Kosovo's future status begin.
October 2006 — In Serbian referendum, Kosovo is declared an integral part of Serbia.
Jan. 26, 2007 — U.N. envoy Martti Ahtisaari unveils recommended guidelines to Kosovo's eventual statehood.
April 2007 — Russia rejects Ahtisaari proposal at U.N. Security Council.
June 2007 — U.S. President George W. Bush says Kosovo needs to be independent "sooner rather than later."
July 2007 — Kosovo's prime minister says U.N.-sponsored process has failed and calls for declaration of independence by year's end.
Feb. 17, 2008 — Kosovo declares independence.

[Arb]

Kosovo Builds Economy From the Ground Up Andrew Testa for The New York Times
Crowded cafes and malls like the Ben-af shopping center in Pristina belie the weakness of Kosovo’s economy. Imports far exceed exports and the infrastructure is dilapidated.


By DAN BILEFSKY
Published: March 5, 2008
PRISTINA, Kosova — Bekim Kuqi has braved civil war, exile, bombs falling on his factories and the detonation of a car filled with explosives in one of his stores. So he says he is prepared for the daunting challenge of doing business in the newly independent Kosovo.

Multimedia

Photographs Kosovo's Economic Uncertainty




Enlarge This Image
Andrew Testa for The New York Times
Miners near Mitrovica at the Trepca mine, which has extensive mineral deposits but significant debt. More Photos »




For years the electricity grid has been so unreliable that just keeping the lights on in his retail stores has been a daily struggle, forcing Mr. Kuqi to spend more than $1,000 a day on backup generators. Even then, shoppers browse with the lights flickering on and off.

And given that the average monthly wage here is about $220, he laments that most people can afford little more than a Coca-Cola at one of the restaurants in his stores.

“I put my faith in God,” said Mr. Kuqi, 33. He added: “I often think that staying here requires too much sacrifice, and I should just leave. But I belong to this place.”

Two weeks after Kosovo’s ethnic Albanian leadership declared independence from Serbia, with the backing of Washington and the European Union, Pristina continues to pulsate with young crowds at stylish new cafes and shopping malls. But such superficial signs of economic success mask the harsh uncertainties of a newborn nation, whose very existence is not recognized by Serbia, Russia or some European countries.

Even if Kosovo can overcome those political hurdles, its economy has been so devastated by war that it imports even staples like milk and meat. It is ranked by Transparency International, the Berlin-based anticorruption watchdog, as the world’s fourth most corrupt economy, after Cameroon, Cambodia and Albania.

Whether Kosovo can build a successful economy will help determine whether it can become a full-fledged country and stabilize the Balkans, or will remain a poor adopted orphan of the West.

Slobodan Milosevic, the former Serbian leader, revoked Kosovo’s autonomy in 1989 and fiercely repressed ethnic Albanians, who make up most of its population. Some of them eventually turned to armed rebellion. NATO intervened in 1999 to halt Mr. Milosevic’s violent response to the rebels, and for the past eight years this landlocked territory has been administered by the United Nations.

For the foreseeable future, Western analysts say, Kosovo’s economy will remain dependent on generous aid, its security assured by 16,000 NATO troops and its political affairs overseen by a European Union mission that will shortly take over from the United Nations.

“It could take at least 10 years for Kosovo to stand on its own two feet,” said Joost Lagendijk, who oversees Kosovo policy in the European Parliament. “Kosovo is a poor agricultural country where the energy supply is chaotic, the rule of law needs to be upheld and the economy is almost starting from scratch.”

Scrap metal from old cars is Kosovo’s biggest export. Infrastructure is creaky, businesspeople complain that bribery is commonplace and unemployment is about 50 percent, government officials say.

“For years, we have used not having our independence as an excuse for everything,” said Shpend Ahmeti, an economist who runs the Institute for Advanced Studies, a Pristina-based research organization. “Now that we have it, we need to show that we deserve to be a country and that we can create a viable economy.”

For that, economists say, Kosovo needs to foster local industry; imports run at about $1.9 billion a year, but exports are a paltry $130 million. Success will depend partly on the gumption of entrepreneurs like Mr. Kuqi, the son of a farmer.

He started by selling clothing from a kiosk in his hometown, Suva Reka, a poor, industrial city in southern Kosovo. The business quickly grew. But during the war between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in 1998-1999, his factories were set on fire and he was forced to flee to Albania.

Mr. Kuqi returned to Kosovo in 2000 and rebuilt the business; four years later, the police say, a jealous rival rammed a car filled with explosives through his flagship store. Today, Mr. Kuqi has 13 stores and malls across Kosovo, which he built in part by harnessing a low-wage, ambitious work force. “People here are willing to work hard,” he said.

Ahmet Shala, Kosovo’s economic minister, dismissed people’s doubts about Kosovo’s economic prospects, pointing to success stories in neighboring countries like Slovenia, a former Yugoslav republic of similar size.

Mr. Shala argued that, until now, Kosovo’s uncertain status prevented it from having some of the tools of a functioning economy, from bar codes for supermarket products to access to international railway networks.

Independence, he asserted, will allow Kosovo to work with financial institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, helping it to attract foreign investors.

“Until now, Kosovo was a baby in an incubator, with donors providing the oxygen,” he said. “Now, the baby needs to learn how to breathe on its own.”

Still, Kosovo’s lack of recognition by Serbia, Russia and several countries in the European Union — including Spain, Slovakia, Greece, Romania and Cyprus — could also deter investment, hamper its ability to get loans, impede the European Union from signing trade and cooperation deals with it and place limitations on the travel of Kosovars.

Kosovo also faces the threat of an economic embargo by Serbia. Economists say that would hurt Serbia more than Kosovo, because Serbia exports so many goods to Kosovo. Yet, Mr. Ahmeti said: “Serbia can hurt us by keeping us in the news. We need to overcome our image problem.”

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Multimedia

Photographs Kosovo's Economic Uncertainty

Many here are pinning their hopes on Kosovo’s untapped mineral wealth, including 14 billion tons of lignite coal reserves that will be tapped to fuel a new power plant by 2012, if all goes as planned.





British geologists conducting a recent survey of Kosovo’s resources say the territory has vast amounts of minerals, including deposits of nickel, lead, zinc, cadmium, bauxite and even small seams of gold. Yet the infrastructure for extracting minerals is outdated, and mining analysts say Kosovo’s most important mining complex, the Trepca mine, will need hundreds of millions of dollars in outside investment to create a profitable exporting business.

On a recent day at the Trepca mine, which has been ravaged by war and mismanagement since its glory days in the former Communist Yugoslavia, miners wearing battery-lighted hard hats descended about 2,000 feet below ground to a labyrinth of hot, dark tunnels. Mr. Milosevic is widely rumored to have used the tunnels to hide the bodies of Albanians killed during the war.
Dozens of workers — some wielding pickaxes, others driving mechanized trucks with electric drills — bored holes and inserted sticks of dynamite to dislodge lead and zinc deposits. “This could be the future of Kosovo,” said Xhafer Peci, a miner, holding glistening stones in his hands.

Yet Trepca has become politically explosive because it is run jointly by ethnic Albanians and Serbs, and its mines and processing factories are spread between Kosovo’s Serbian-dominated north and the ethnic Albanian-dominated south. With Serbia determined to expand its hold over northern Kosovo, Trepca’s future is in doubt.

Nazmi Mikullovci, Trepca’s ethnic Albanian director, said he hoped Serbian and Albanian cooperation at the mine would continue. He stressed that geological surveys showed that 88 percent of Kosovo’s mineral wealth is in the south of the country; however, the mine has up to 300 million euros ($456 million) in debt and must also finance the pensions of several thousand Albanian workers fired when Mr. Milosevic took over the mine in the 1990s. “Trepca will not be the savior of Kosovo, at least for now,” Mr. Mikullovci said.

Even with the challenges, there are a few brave investors here. Ekrem Luka, the head of a sprawling conglomerate called Dukagjini that owns everything from breweries to a television station, said he planned to build a 23-story complex in downtown Pristina, complete with a 100-room hotel, three stories of shopping and private apartments.

“The business attraction of Kosovo is that we are starting at zero and need everything,” he said. “Exporters, importers, retailers, you name it.”